Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia – Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s recent comments about Taiwan have raised questions about whether Malaysia is still committed to its traditional policy of non-alignment and not picking sides between China and the United States.

In an interview with Al Jazeera that aired earlier this month, Anwar stated that he saw Taiwan “as part of China, period”, adding that this was “accepted by all”.

More controversially, when asked whether he would condemn China if it resorted to force in the event that peaceful “reunification” did not work, Anwar said that if a Malaysian state were attempting to break away, he would use force to “protect the sanctity and unity of” Malaysia.

Anwar’s comments were praised by the Chinese government, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman stressing that Taiwan is “an inalienable part of China’s territory” and that “China must and will be reunited”.

Taiwan’s government condemned the remarks and warned that Anwar’s “one-sided support for China could negatively impact Taiwanese businesses’ confidence in investing in Malaysia”.

Taiwan, the world’s largest chips producer, is a major investor in Malaysia, particularly in the country’s crucial semiconductor industry.

Asked about the issue by local media, Anwar appeared to walk back some of his comments, stressing that Malaysia respected China’s position but favoured a peaceful resolution to tensions in the Taiwan Strait.

Anwar courted headlines again several days after his Al Jazeera interview when he called for the bolstering of Malaysia’s defences in the Bornean state of Sabah.

He pointed to the development of US-backed military facilities in neighbouring Philippines as justification, in part, for increased defence spending.

The Philippine government is in the process of upgrading military facilities on the island of Balabac, 50km (31 miles) from the Malaysian islands of Banggi and Balambangan.

Balabac was recently added to the Enhanced Defence Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) between Washington and Manila, which granted US forces access to designated locations in the Philippines.

Anwar’s comments have bolstered longstanding suspicions among Western commentators that Malaysia is turning against the West and aligning with China, breaking from Malaysia’s traditional policy of non-alignment.

Indeed, Anwar’s remarks come amid China’s growing economic presence in Malaysia, with Beijing now representing Malaysia’s largest trade partner.

Malaysia has also been one of the most enthusiastic recipients of Chinese investment projects, including under China’s Belt and Road Initiative.

Anwar’s seemingly pro-China stance also comes as Malaysia diverges from the West on other geopolitical issues, such as the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East.

Long a firm critic of Israel, Malaysia under Anwar has been especially vocal in its opposition to Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza.

However, some analysts push back against suggestions of Malaysia undergoing a strategic realignment.

Chee Meng Tan, an assistant professor of business economics at the University of Nottingham Malaysia, noted that Malaysia’s recognition of Taiwan as “part of China” dates to the 1974 communiqué that then-Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak signed with Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai to establish diplomatic relations between their countries.

“What was new was Anwar’s statement on the potential use of force, which the one China policy policy does not explicitly require,” Tan said.

Tan notes that Anwar’s comments should also be seen in the context of his upcoming trip to China in September, as he may be attempting to appease Beijing.

Daniel Loebell, a PhD student at Northwestern University in the US who has studied Chinese investments in Malaysia, suggested that Anwar’s position merely represents a realist understanding of territorial integrity.

“Though this idea of violence against Taiwan is immensely troubling to me, I do not think it differs from Malaysia’s policy at all, as he believes that the PRC attacking Taiwan would amount to attacking a rebel organisation within a single state’s own borders,” Loebell said, using the acronym for the People’s Republic of China.

“As head of the government, Anwar sees recognising one government of China amounting to the PRC government’s exclusive right to a monopoly on the use of force within its borders.”

Anwar’s later comments expressing unease over the US-backed base on Balabac can be viewed as linked to Malaysia’s ongoing dispute with the Philippines over the status of Sabah.

The Philippines has claimed Sabah since the territory joined Malaysia in 1963, a claim Malaysia has consistently rejected.

Manila would reaffirm its claim to Sabah in February this year, maintaining that the Philippines’ Maritime Zones Act 2024 preserved its “existing and valid claims” over part of the state.

In July, the Malaysian government lodged a formal protest with the United Nations over the Philippines’ claim to an extended continental shelf, which Malaysia argued encroached on Sabahan waters.

Tan, the assistant professor, argued that Anwar’s comment on the Balabac military buildup may be “a ‘protect-my-border’ reflex rather than a pro-China gesture”.

Anwar’s call to invest in Sabah’s defences also comes as Malaysia seeks to strengthen its defence posture in Borneo, largely to bolster its claims in the disputed South China Sea, where Malaysia is a claimant state alongside China.

While Malaysia has taken a decidedly less vocal stance on the South China Sea dispute than the Philippines, it has nonetheless maintained strong defence ties with Western powers, partly to quietly balance against China’s aggressive military buildup in the disputed waters.

This is demonstrated in Malaysia’s continued commitment to the Five Powers Defence Arrangements (FPDA), a multilateral security framework that also includes Singapore, Australia, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.

While not a binding defence treaty, the FPDA commits its members to consult with one another in the event of an armed attack on Malaysia or Singapore. Under the framework, two major exercises are held annually – Bersama Shield and Bersama Lima – involving personnel and assets from member countries.

The FPDA maintains an air defence operations arm with headquarters at a Malaysian Air Force base in Butterworth, Penang, headed by a senior Australian Air Force officer.

Australia also maintains a rifle company at Butterworth and a regular maritime security presence in the region via the deployment of maritime patrol aircraft to Malaysia.

As a central pillar of the FPDA, Malaysia facilitates a Western military presence in the region, which analysts argue provides Malaysia with a quiet deterrent for would-be aggressors.

While Malaysia recognises the benefits of continued defence ties with the West, it also gains from continued Western investment.

As Loebell, the PhD student, noted, Malaysia has “maintained diverse economic relations with many states, and this has kept it from deeply aligning with any major power”.

“The USA still maintains as favourable an economic position as China does,” said Loebell, who doubts that Malaysia is seeking to align more closely with China.

“What’s more, Taiwan’s enterprises continue to invest heavily in Malaysia’s semiconductor industry, and Anwar undoubtedly knows and welcomes this.”