NAIROBI, Kenya — NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Kenya’s political word of the moment is “goonism,” frequently uttered by national leaders to convey annoyance at the gangs that intimidate those whose political activities they oppose.

Supporters of President William Ruto, who is seeking a second term in elections next year, use the phrase to describe the political violence that authorities will not tolerate. Opposition figures use it to condemn what they see as Ruto’s aggressive — and underhanded — campaign tactics.

At times it can seem as if goonism is up against goonism, an unwelcome turn of events in this East African nation where the contest for political power is becoming ever more vigorous and tinged with a sense of danger.

Many Kenyans doubt Ruto’s commitment to the religious values he espoused before taking power in 2022.

Ruto vowed to raise a kind of born-again Christian nation, fearful of God and at peace with itself.

But as president, he appears to have benefited from the lawlessness that is now a national scourge as religious and political leaders warn that political violence threatens democratic gains. His critics charge that such chaos rises in part from Ruto’s uncompromising style of leadership.

“Goons, goons, goons,” yelled preacher Wilfred Lai during a recent Sunday sermon in which he lamented what had befallen Kenya. “Everyone who wants to rule this country by that kind of thing, I speak as a prophet of God: You shall fall.”

He added: “You can’t use goons and you are telling us that you are taking us into a better place. You are a liar and the truth is not in you.”

Although Lai, the pastor of a megachurch in the coastal city of Mombasa, didn’t mention Ruto by name, many Kenyans suspect he had the president in mind when he gave that sermon, parts of which were shared online.

Lai is among evangelical preachers who embraced Ruto when he was vice president and seeking to replace President Uhuru Kenyatta, whose backing he didn’t have. At the time, Ruto was widely seen as a pious politician.

Ruto said he was fighting for the downtrodden, for those whose manual labor put food on the table. The leader — nicknamed “Nabii,” Kiswahili for “God’s prophet” — said he had risen so high in politics by the grace of God, unlike rivals he depicted as the entitled sons of political dynasties. Ruto won a tight race.

For many of his supporters, however, Ruto changed as soon as he won the presidency.

Although he continued to go to church on Sundays, some noticed that he stopped carrying the Bible and no longer quoted it regularly. His decision to demolish a chapel within the compound of the statehouse — to be replaced by a modern facility — was criticized by some as self-aggrandizing. Others saw betrayal in Ruto’s aggressive income tax measures months after his inauguration.

Thousands of young people took to the streets of Nairobi, the capital, forcing authorities to withdraw some tax proposals but not quite cooling popular anger. Ruto later faced more protests triggered by the death in police custody of a blogger.

Although the protests failed to remove Ruto, they left him wounded and determined to show strength. While his position remains precarious ahead of next year’s vote, some of his adversaries admit he is cunning and still hard to defeat.

After protesters stormed the parliamentary building in 2024, Ruto vowed that such a thing would never happen again. Last year, facing protesters who held placards saying “Ruto must go,” the president urged the police to “break” the limbs of protesters and said he was going nowhere.

“If we go this route, we will not have a country,” Ruto said in a televised address. “The country belongs to all of us. And if there’s no country for William Ruto, there’s no country for you.”

Some saw that as a veiled threat, and some opposition figures suspect the gangs materializing at opposition events are sponsored by the state.

“We must say no, collectively, to the new specter, the new norm, of goonism,” Kalonzo Musyoka, a prominent opposition figure, told a local broadcaster. “The goons are very well-known. So for anybody to pretend that it is the work of united opposition, he really must be ashamed, even before God, that this is state-sponsored.”

Men armed with machetes and guns can break up political rallies or prevent them from commencing. While opposition figures accuse authorities of fomenting violence, Interior Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen recently warned goons that “since the politician won’t be with you when you commit the crime, we’ll come for you.”

Speaker Moses Wetang’ula, Ruto’s ally, said last month that “the culture of goonism has no place in a democratic society.”

In a notable event last month, an opposition lawmaker from western Kenya was manhandled in a restaurant by men questioning his political views. Sen. Godfrey Osotsi’s injuries required hospitalization. The attack sparked protests in his home area and was condemned by religious leaders.

Ruto hasn’t given up on church leaders — whose influence cuts across social networks — in his quest to retain power. His choice of where to pray on a given Sunday may be unpredictable. Sometimes church leaders, from Methodist to Pentecostal pastors, congregate near him at the statehouse.

Other religious leaders are critical, provoked most recently by insults traded between Ruto and his former deputy, Rigathi Gachagua, who fell out with the president, was impeached and now is the leader of the Wantam movement to make Ruto a one-term president.

Their exchanges can be venomous.

In March, after Gachagua called Ruto a thief who would steal a funeral home, the president called Gachagua a “cold-blooded pig” who stole from his brother.

Days later, the head of the local conference of Catholic primates, Archbishop Maurice Muhatia, rebuked Ruto and Gachagua at a gathering of bishops. “Disagreement is OK, but insulting each other in public is a disgrace,” Muhatia said. “Give us a break.”

Kenyan elections are often fractious affairs. There was a violent gang, known as Mungiki, that played a role in deadly violence that followed the 2007 election.

There is a pervasive sense this time that more is at stake, with a president who won’t back down. Some worry that Ruto is verging on authoritarianism, unlike his recent predecessors.

Kenyatta, Kenya’s fourth president, is a jolly man who tolerated internal opposition from Ruto while they served together. Mwai Kibaki, whom Kenyatta replaced, was a gentleman who once called a news conference to deny he had a second wife.

Kenya’s current president is different, and goonism is “a product of gangster theology” of which Ruto is the high priest, said Christine Mungai, an independent writer based in Nairobi.

Ruto has mastered “how to perform public piety” while simultaneously working “to make life harder for everyone,” she said.

It isn’t clear who Ruto’s main election opponent will be. It could be Musyoka or Fred Matiang’i, a former cabinet secretary for the interior. While Gachagua is likely ineligible to seek the presidency after his impeachment, his support will be crucial for the opposition.

If Ruto and opposition figures don’t tone down the rhetoric “the election is going to be very bloody,” said Karuti Kanyinga, a Kenyan development scholar who is a visiting professor at Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study in South Africa. “Everyone will have their own protection gangs.”

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